Will AI Lower the Cost of Care?
Access, Quality, and Cost. What the Evidence Actually Shows.
By RaeAnn, Founder and Chief Executive Officer, HLTHWORKS
THE SHORT VERSION
- Access. One randomized win, and it came from removing a referral step rather than from better diagnosis. Capacity and structural access gaps show no supporting evidence.
- Quality. Real and narrow. Across 122 trials and 1.2 million patients, clinical decision support improved process of care by 5.8 percentage points and clinical endpoints by a median of 0.3 percent.
- Imaging. The technology works. In the one American program that measured the whole sequence, detection and follow-up rose sharply, the share of findings that mattered did not change, and the added imaging paid for the program.
- Cost. No, and the payers say so themselves. Health plans now rank artificial intelligence tools that help providers capture more revenue as the single largest inflator of 2027 medical cost trend.
- The pattern. The only applications with randomized outcome evidence are the ones that change what happens next. Information that does not change an action does not change an outcome, and an outcome that does not change does not change cost.
- The gap. There is no peer-reviewed causal estimate, in any line of business, of artificial intelligence’s net effect on health spending.
- The position. Where the cost of producing a service demonstrably falls, rates should follow. But Medicaid and marketplace coverage losses are pushing uncompensated care the other way, which makes that a narrower and harder conversation than the economics alone suggest.
Subscribers and audience members ask one question more than any other, and they ask it plainly. Will artificial intelligence lower the cost of care.
The honest answer is that it has not yet, and the reason is not the one most people expect. The reason is not that the technology fails. In several places it works exactly as promised. The reason is that almost no one has built the mechanism by which a lower cost of producing care reaches the organization that pays for it.
That is a payment architecture problem, not a technology problem, and it is worth understanding in detail before the next budget cycle.
This article takes the question apart along three lines: access, quality, and cost. Those three are the iron triangle, and they are not the Triple Aim, which is a different framework measuring experience of care, population health, and per capita cost. The distinction matters because the two are frequently confused, and because the iron triangle is the one operators actually budget against.
The verdict is split. That is the finding. Most commentary on this subject is uniformly enthusiastic or uniformly dismissive, and the evidence supports neither position.
A note on what counts as evidence
Three distinctions run through everything below, and they are the reason this article reaches different conclusions than most coverage.
The first is between accuracy and outcomes. A model that reads an image more accurately has demonstrated accuracy. Whether patients live longer or spend less is a separate question that requires separate evidence, and in most applications that evidence does not exist.
The second is between efficiency and cost. A tool that saves a clinician sixteen minutes a day has demonstrated efficiency. Whether anyone pays less is a separate question, and the answer depends entirely on how that clinician is paid.
The third is between reducing cost and moving cost. If one organization spends less because another organization collects less, nothing has become cheaper. The money moved. Several of the best-documented returns in healthcare artificial intelligence are of this kind.
Access: one genuine win, and a great deal of assertion
Access is the section most people assume is settled. It is not. The evidence breaks cleanly along three different kinds of access failure, and artificial intelligence has a record on only one of them.
When the referral never closes. This is where the strongest evidence sits. In a randomized trial of 164 youth with diabetes, autonomous artificial intelligence screening for diabetic retinopathy raised eye examination completion from 22 percent to 100 percent. Follow-through on recommended care rose from 22 percent to 64 percent. Forty-seven percent of the participants were covered by Medicaid and 35 percent were Black.
Look closely at why that worked. The technology did not out-diagnose an ophthalmologist. It removed a handoff. The patient no longer had to be referred, scheduled, transported, and seen somewhere else, because the screening happened where the patient already was. The mechanism was structural, not diagnostic.
When there are not enough clinicians. Here the evidence thins considerably. The most cited study is single-site and observational, reporting a 2.8 percent increase in encounters per week and a 5.8 percent increase in relative value units. The authors state that they cannot distinguish an increase in care delivered from an increase in completeness of coding. Independent purchasing research finds that most organizations deploying these tools saw no throughput gain and are not buying them for that reason.
When the service does not exist at all. No hospital. No psychiatrist within a hundred miles. No broadband. There is no evidence that artificial intelligence addresses this category, and it is not obvious what evidence would look like. Between 2011 and 2024, 331 rural hospitals ended obstetric services. A model cannot deliver a baby.
Several widely repeated access claims have no supporting study behind them. Extending clinicians to the top of their license is asserted constantly; a review of artificial intelligence applications in nursing found 81 percent were proof of concept. Expanding virtual care is attributed to artificial intelligence, but most telespecialty care involves no artificial intelligence at all, and federal evidence reviews rate the strength of the underlying evidence as low. Closing rural gaps appears on nearly every vendor slide, and the Government Accountability Office declines to endorse it even while listing it as a potential benefit.
One finding cuts directly against the access case. Large language model self-triage was correct on self-care cases 10.8 percent of the time. A tool that over-triages does not relieve a capacity-constrained system. It loads it.
This matters now because of timing. The Rural Health Transformation Program carries 50 billion dollars across federal fiscal years 2026 through 2030 and explicitly permits spending on artificial intelligence. Meanwhile, 77 percent of community health centers use no predictive models at all, 97 percent cite cost as the barrier, and only 32 percent believe they could evaluate one if they bought it. That is a great deal of money moving into an evidence vacuum, aimed at organizations that have said they cannot assess what they are buying.
There is also a measurement problem worth naming. The field measures clinician time saved. Patients experience access as whether they got seen. Those are not the same variable, and the literature has quietly substituted the first for the second.
Quality: real, and narrower than claimed
Start with the baseline, because the baseline is forty years old and almost never cited in current discussion.
Clinical decision support has been studied exhaustively. The definitive synthesis covers 122 randomized trials and 1,203,053 patients. Process of care improved by 5.8 percentage points. Clinical endpoints improved by a median of 0.3 percent. A separate review covering more than 37,000 patients found no effect on mortality.
That is the gap this field has never closed. Decision support reliably changes what gets documented and ordered. It rarely changes what happens to the patient.
Alert fatigue is the mechanism, and the detail is worse than the headline. Clinicians override 73.3 percent of medication alerts, and roughly 60 percent of those overrides are clinically appropriate, which is to say the alerts were wrong. But sort the overrides by alert type and a different picture appears. Renal-based substitution alerts are overridden inappropriately 97.8 percent of the time. The alerts that clinicians are right to ignore fire constantly. The one that most requires attention is almost always dismissed in error.
Adding a more sophisticated model to that environment does not fix it. It adds another voice to a room where no one is listening.
The cautionary case, and the contrast
The most widely deployed proprietary sepsis prediction model was externally validated at an area under the curve of 0.63, against a vendor-reported range of 0.76 to 0.83. At the recommended alert threshold, sensitivity was 33 percent. The model missed 67 percent of sepsis patients while generating alerts on 18 percent of all hospitalizations. It had been deployed across hundreds of hospitals before any independent validation was published.
Now the contrast, because it is the more instructive case. A cluster-randomized trial of a nursing documentation-based deterioration model found a mortality hazard ratio of 0.64 and a reduction in length of stay. It also found a 25 percent increase in unanticipated transfers to intensive care. Report both numbers. The model changed what happened next, and changing what happens next cuts in more than one direction.
Medication and dosing
The strongest outcome evidence in this domain is not artificial intelligence, and the article should say so plainly. Genotype-guided dosing trials reduced a composite of bleeding and clotting events from 14.7 percent to 10.8 percent. That is pharmacogenomics, which is laboratory science with a decision rule attached. A separate trial showing reduced harm used a risk model prompt, not a learned model.
Where large language models have been tested on antibiotic selection, they performed worse on complex cases than on simple ones, which is the opposite of the pattern a clinical tool needs.
Ambient documentation
This is the most widely adopted clinical application, and the evidence on it is clear and narrow. A multisite study found sixteen fewer minutes per day on documentation and thirteen fewer minutes of total electronic health record time. After-hours record time did not change. Clinicians saw an additional half visit per week and generated an additional 167 dollars per month.
Those are real numbers and they are worth having. But notice what is absent. There is no study measuring the effect of ambient documentation on clinical quality or patient outcomes. Not a weak study. None. The most adopted clinical artificial intelligence application in American healthcare has never been evaluated against a patient outcome.
That absence is itself a finding, and it should be in every procurement conversation.
Imaging, which is the most instructive case in this article
Radiology accounts for roughly 80 percent of cleared artificial intelligence algorithms in medicine. The word roughly is doing real work there. The Food and Drug Administration maintains a list of authorized artificial intelligence enabled devices, and that list states plainly that it is not a comprehensive resource. The agency publishes no total. Every count in circulation is a third-party tally of a list whose own publisher disclaims completeness.
Radiology is also the only domain where the cost question has been examined systematically, and the result should stop anyone mid-sentence.
Of 1,879 radiology artificial intelligence studies published between January 2010 and November 2024, 21 quantified any economic outcome at all. That is roughly one percent, and about a tenth of those twenty-one were models rather than measurements. One of the review’s authors put it this way in the professional society’s own coverage: current economic models are dangerously narrow and largely ignore the total cost of ownership, and it is time for the field to move from unchecked optimism to economic realism.
Hold that number in mind through everything that follows. The detection side of this technology has been studied exhaustively. The cost side has barely been studied at all.
The accuracy evidence is real. In a randomized trial of 105,934 women, artificial intelligence supported mammography screening raised sensitivity from 73.8 percent to 80.5 percent and cut reading workload by 44 percent. Those are meaningful numbers. But the trial’s primary endpoint, interval cancers, came back non-inferior rather than significantly reduced, and the widely reported twelve percent reduction was not statistically significant. No mortality endpoint was measured.
Colonoscopy is the cleaner case because the follow-through has been measured. Across 21 randomized trials, computer-aided detection raised adenoma detection from 35.9 percent to 44.0 percent. Then a trial of 3,213 patients looked at advanced neoplasia, which is the category that actually drives cancer risk. The result was 34.8 percent with artificial intelligence and 34.6 percent without. No difference. What did increase was the number of non-neoplastic polyps removed per procedure.
More detection. Same clinical yield. More procedures.
Now the argument that one scan can do the work of several. It is an appealing idea, and it is worth taking seriously: a model reads a single computed tomography study for coronary calcium, bone density, liver fat, and body composition at once, so the cost per condition detected falls. A device covering ten such measurement domains received clearance in January 2026.
The only cost evidence supporting the approach is a modeling study, and it was funded by the companies selling the technology, with the lead author disclosing advisory relationships with three of them. There is no empirical study measuring realized cost per condition detected in United States practice. Not a mixed literature. None.
Meanwhile the expert panel convened by the radiology society to assess opportunistic screening, chaired by the author of that model, listed demonstration of cost-effectiveness among the questions still unaddressed, cited no randomized trial showing that opportunistic screening improves patient outcomes, and framed the benefit conditionally: detection could translate into improved outcomes if the follow-up treatment is delivered.
*What happens when the follow-up treatment is delivered has been measured, and it is the strongest evidence in this article.*
Incidental findings appear on 20 to 40 percent of computed tomography examinations. Follow one example through in dollars. For uncomplicated low back pain in a commercial population, the index magnetic resonance study cost an average of 952 dollars, and twelve-month downstream spending on the resulting cascade averaged 4,391 dollars per patient. The cascade cost roughly four and a half times the scan that started it. Injections ran at 8.9 percent against 0.6 percent in patients who were not imaged, and surgery at 9.1 percent against 3.6 percent.
The pattern repeats wherever anyone has looked. In Medicare data, imaging an additional thousand beneficiaries was associated with roughly four additional kidney removals, a procedure carrying 4.3 percent mortality at ninety days. Surgically removed kidney masses that turned out to be benign rose about 82 percent across a decade. Kidney cancer incidence roughly doubled. Kidney cancer mortality stayed flat.
And real practice is harder than the trials. Across five United States health systems and 9,266 patients screened for lung cancer, complications following invasive procedures occurred in 30.6 percent of cases against 17.7 percent in the original trial, with major complications at 20.6 percent against 9.4 percent. Roughly double, on both measures, once the program left the research setting. The companion resource to this article sets out these figures in full.
The companion resource, AI Evidence Reference: What Has Been Measured, and What Has Not, sets out these figures in full, including the downstream costs and clinical consequences of AI-driven imaging.
The prevention claim has been tested once, and the same trial measured the cascade. In a randomized study, flagging coronary calcium found incidentally on prior chest imaging raised statin initiation at six months from 6.9 percent to 51.2 percent. That is a large effect on prescribing. In the same trial, downstream cardiac testing rose from 2.3 percent to 15.1 percent, a more than sixfold increase. The investigators state explicitly that further research is needed to determine whether the approach reduces cardiovascular events.
So the mechanism and the cascade were measured in the same study, and only the cascade was measured in hard clinical units.
One program shows the whole sequence in a single American dataset. A health system deployed artificial intelligence to ensure that recommended imaging follow-up actually happened. It worked. Recommendations rose from 75.4 percent to 95.7 percent of relevant reports, and completion of recommended follow-up rose from 29.6 percent to 50.7 percent. Program volume went from roughly 6,000 examinations a year to roughly 19,000 after natural language processing was added.
The share of followed findings that turned out to be malignant, suspicious, or clinically significant was 33.3 percent before and 35.3 percent after. Unchanged.
And the program’s published description states that the added imaging covers the cost of the staff running it, and that an internal business plan shows the program is profitable.
Read that sequence carefully, because it is the article in miniature. The technology worked exactly as designed. It found more. The proportion that mattered did not change. And it paid for itself on the additional imaging.
Which brings us to how the return on imaging artificial intelligence is actually calculated. The most cited return analysis in the peer-reviewed radiology literature reports 451 percent over five years, rising to 791 percent when radiologist time is counted. It is a model rather than a measurement, built from expert interviews, using one practice’s scan volumes and assuming ten percent annual visit growth. Representatives of the vendor whose platform it evaluates are co-authors.
Set all of that aside and look only at how the model earns its return. Its revenue sources include additional revenue from follow-up scans, hospitalizations, and treatments triggered by artificial intelligence findings. The single most influential variable in the model is the number of additional treatments attributed to artificial intelligence identification.
The headline business case for imaging artificial intelligence is driven by how much additional care the technology generates. That is not an accusation. It is an accurate description of where the money comes from, published openly, and almost never quoted.
Two measured per-patient figures, pointing in opposite directions. Artificial intelligence applied to lung cancer screening saved up to 242 dollars per patient. Applied to mammography, it raised cost by up to 19 dollars per patient, attributed to lower specificity combined with per-use pricing. Both are measurements. The second is the kind of finding that does not reach a vendor deck.
And the payment picture explains the rest. Several hundred imaging algorithms have been cleared. As of January 2026 there are two Category 1 payment codes for imaging artificial intelligence, both cardiac. The first, a measure of blood flow derived from cardiac computed tomography, became the first artificial intelligence enabled clinical software reimbursed by Medicare in 2018. Across five years it generated 18.2 million dollars in total Medicare spending, reached 2.2 percent of patients receiving the underlying scan, and was billed by only 17 percent of hospitals performing it.
Eighteen million dollars over five years is a rounding error in a program that spends roughly a trillion. The distance between what has been cleared and what has been paid for is the whole story of imaging artificial intelligence economics.
One coda, for anyone building governance around this. Medicare’s Appropriate Use Criteria program, intended to curb inappropriate advanced imaging through mandatory decision support, was paused and its regulations rescinded effective 2024. The stated reason was that the agency’s own claims processing system could not automate compliance monitoring. The program designed to constrain imaging volume ended because it could not be administered.
The pattern underneath all of it
Lay the quality evidence out side by side and something becomes obvious.
Three applications have randomized evidence of improved patient outcomes: the retinopathy screening trial, the deterioration model, and genotype-guided dosing. Every one of them changes what happens next. A referral step is removed. A clinical team escalates. A dose is different.
The applications with only accuracy or efficiency evidence share the opposite property. The note is written faster, and the same visit occurred. The alert fires, and it is overridden. More adenomas are found, and the same proportion of patients has advanced disease.
Information that does not change an action does not change an outcome. An outcome that does not change does not change cost.
There is a third category, and imaging is where it lives. Sometimes the information does change an action, and the action it changes is another test, another procedure, another prescription. The pathway moves. It just does not move toward a better outcome. It moves toward more care.
That is the version of this problem operators should be most alert to, because it looks like success in every report that matters to a vendor. Detection is up. Follow-up completion is up. Utilization is up. Revenue is up. The only number that did not move is whether patients are better off.
So the question to put to any clinical artificial intelligence vendor is not how accurate the model is. It is: which step in our pathway disappears, and which step gets added. If the honest answer is that nothing disappears and a workup gets added, the operator has just been shown the business case, and it is not a cost reduction.
Cost: the honest answer
Here the evidence is not ambiguous, and the most persuasive sources are not critics. They are the organizations writing the checks.
What actually drives spending
Across the commercially insured population, per-person spending rose 18.8 percent between 2019 and 2023, an increase of 1,068 dollars. Over that same five years, average prices rose 17.7 percent. Utilization rose 1.8 percent.
Read those three numbers again with a vendor business case in hand. Essentially all of the spending growth was price. Almost none of it was people using more care. A tool that lowers the cost of producing care therefore changes almost nothing for the purchaser unless it changes a negotiated price, and nothing in the technology touches that negotiation.
The payers and employers now name artificial intelligence as an inflator
This is the finding that should reset the conversation.
In the 2027 medical cost trend survey, health plans rank artificial intelligence tools that help providers capture more revenue as the single largest inflator of trend. Seventy percent of plans place it in their top three. The survey covers 27 plans and more than 103 million employer-sponsored members. Projected group trend for 2027 is 9.0 percent.
Employers say the same thing independently. In a survey of 127 employers covering 11 million lives, 64 percent report that artificial intelligence is driving their costs up through revenue optimization and upcoding. Their projected 2027 trend is a median of 9.2 percent.
The mechanism both describe is specific and it is not fraud. Documentation and coding tools record greater clinical specificity and greater reimbursable severity for care that was already delivered. The encounter does not change. The claim does. The payer pays more.
This is not a new behavior. Federal auditors found that between 2014 and 2019, hospital stays billed at the highest severity level rose by almost 20 percent while every other severity tier fell and total stays declined. Average length of stay for those highest-severity cases fell by half a day. More than half had only one qualifying condition. The conclusion was that this reflected changes in billing rather than sicker patients.
Artificial intelligence did not create that practice. It lowered the marginal cost of doing it to nearly zero.
Where the money is actually going
Across surveyed health systems and plans, the pattern of deployment is consistent and it is not clinical. Health systems report 71 percent some deployment of ambient documentation, with 41 percent enterprise-wide, against 18 percent enterprise-scale clinical decision support. Health plans report 67 percent some deployment of clinical documentation review.
Both sides of the payment relationship automated the documentation contest first.
Industry surveys of return on investment point the same direction, with the caveat that they are self-reported and at least one is published by an investor in the category. In those surveys, 67 percent of provider artificial intelligence solutions run as semi-autonomous or fully autonomous agents, while only 4 percent of clinical solutions do. Reported returns are led by revenue cycle, claims, and back-office work. Clinical returns are among the lowest reported.
The number everyone quotes incorrectly
The most cited savings estimate in this field is 200 to 360 billion dollars annually, or 5 to 10 percent of United States health spending. It is quoted as a total almost every time it appears.
Read the paper. The authors deliberately excluded the zero-sum domains, because revenue one organization gains is revenue taken from another. The estimate is already net of redistribution. The authors also state plainly that their figures rest on consulting experience rather than randomized or quasi-experimental evidence, and the paper does not specify whether the savings would accrue to payers, providers, or patients.
Alongside it, note what the waste literature actually concluded. Administrative complexity is the largest single category of waste in United States healthcare at 265.6 billion dollars annually. The authors assigned it no savings estimate at all, because no generalizable intervention studies existed to support one.
Artificial intelligence is not paid for as care
As of early 2026 there are 26 Current Procedural Terminology codes for clinical artificial intelligence, 23 of them Category III, which generally carry no Medicare pricing. There are 19 software-as-a-service codes. In 2023, no such code was billed more than 3,600 times or paid more than 200,000 dollars. The imaging figures above are representative rather than exceptional.
Between 2018 and 2023, only three Medicare-covered artificial intelligence tools reached more than 10,000 beneficiaries.
The Medicare Payment Advisory Commission’s position is that separate payment for software could encourage overuse and raise costs without demonstrated value.
The operational consequence is straightforward. Artificial intelligence is an operating expense that buys no new reimbursable service on the care side. That is precisely why the return chases the revenue cycle. It is the only place the money is.
The clawback, which almost no one has priced
This is the most important near-term fact in this article and it has had very little attention.
In the calendar year 2026 physician fee schedule, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services finalized a 2.5 percent efficiency adjustment reducing work relative value units and the intraservice portion of physician time for services that are not time-based. The stated rationale includes that digital tools and automation accelerate efficiency gains. Time-based codes are exempt.
Consider what that means for a business case. A practice buys a tool, becomes more efficient, and keeps the gain until the next repricing cycle, at which point the payer captures it by regulation. There is also a long-standing statutory productivity adjustment reducing annual hospital payment updates by a rolling average of economy-wide productivity.
So there is exactly one line of business in which artificial intelligence’s production savings reliably reach the purchaser, and it is Medicare fee for service. The mechanism is not competition. It is a regulation that assumes the savings exist and reduces payment accordingly, whether or not the practice ever bought the tool.
That is an uncomfortable finding for providers and it belongs in every multiyear financial model that includes an artificial intelligence investment.
The precedent
The federal government spent roughly 35 billion dollars on electronic health record adoption incentives. Adoption became near-universal. Documentation burden went up. The lesson is not that the investment was wrong. The lesson is that near-universal adoption of a technology is not the same event as a reduction in cost, and the two were conflated for a decade.
The strongest counterargument, stated fairly
Artificial intelligence demonstrably lowers the cost of producing administrative work inside a single organization. Coding, claims handling, prior authorization submission, appeal drafting, documentation. That is real, it is measured, and it is where essentially all of the current return is concentrated. Anyone arguing otherwise is not reading the deployment data.
The distinction is this. Reducing one organization’s cost of contesting payment with another organization is not reducing the cost of care. The money moves faster and at lower administrative expense. Nothing becomes cheaper to deliver.
What the payment architecture rewards
The technology is nearly identical across every line of business. What differs is what each payment architecture pays it to do, and that single observation explains most of the variation in where artificial intelligence has been deployed.
Medicare fee for service cannot raise price, so the return sits in volume and documented intensity, and the program has now begun reclaiming assumed efficiency through the fee schedule. Medicare Advantage pays for diagnosis capture, which is why roughly 22 billion dollars of the projected 76 billion dollar gap between Medicare Advantage and fee-for-service payment in 2026 is attributed to residual coding intensity. The marketplace is budget neutral within each state, so coding harder than your neighbors is the only advantage available and it vanishes the moment they match you. Self-funded employers have no subsidy to mine, so provider revenue capture lands directly on the plan sponsor. And Medicaid is contracting by statute rather than by technology, with artificial intelligence deployed to administer the contraction.
That last line carries the governance lesson that transfers everywhere else. Four states have lost litigation over algorithmic reduction of benefits, and in every case they lost on notice and explainability rather than on accuracy. A plan or a state can lose on an algorithm nobody ever proved was wrong, because it could not explain what the algorithm did. Most artificial intelligence governance frameworks underweight this badly.
Explore the AI Evidence Reference for a side-by-side comparison of what each payment model rewards, who bears the cost, and who captures the savings.
The rate conversation, and why it will be harder than the economics suggest
There is a conclusion sitting at the end of all this that deserves to be said rather than implied. If artificial intelligence genuinely lowers the cost of producing a service, the purchaser should eventually pay less for that service. Medicare has already acted on exactly that reasoning through the efficiency adjustment. Commercial and Medicare Advantage purchasers can act on it through contract.
Our position is that they should. Where a plan can demonstrate that the cost of producing a specific service has fallen, that belongs in the next negotiation. A payer that funds the technology through its premium and then keeps paying the old price for the cheaper service has financed a margin improvement it will never see.
But anyone opening that conversation in 2027 should understand what is sitting on the other side of the table, because the provider’s arithmetic is moving in the opposite direction at the same moment.
Federal Medicaid spending is projected to fall by roughly 911 billion dollars across 2025 through 2034. Work requirements take effect in January 2027 across 43 states. Marketplace coverage has already lost roughly 4.8 million effectuated enrollees in a single year, with average net premiums up 58 percent and average deductibles up 37 percent.
Those patients do not stop needing care. They arrive without coverage, and the cost of treating them lands on the provider and, historically, on commercial rates through cross-subsidy. So the rate reduction the technology justifies will arrive at the same table as an uncompensated care burden the technology did nothing to cause and cannot relieve.
A payer who opens with an across-the-board ask on the strength of a technology trend will not get agreement, and probably should not.
The version that works is narrower. Tie the reduction to the specific service lines where the production cost demonstrably fell, bring the evidence, and expect to discuss the coverage losses in the same conversation rather than pretending they are a separate subject. That is a negotiation a provider can actually have. It is also the only version that survives the room.
Winners and losers
- Who gains. Patients whose referral loop finally closes, which is a small category today and a real one. Clinicians carrying documentation burden. Organizations with administrative scale, which means the largest health systems and the largest plans, because the return is concentrated in fixed-cost administrative functions. Vendors selling into the revenue cycle.
- Who does not gain, yet. The premium payer. The self-funded employer. The Part B enrollee.
- Who bears the downside. The beneficiary on the receiving end of an automated denial, and the provider absorbing unreimbursed care plus the labor of appealing it.
The distributional point deserves emphasis because it runs against the usual framing. Artificial intelligence as currently deployed widens the gap between large and small operators. The return lives in administrative scale, and a twelve-physician medical group does not have administrative scale. The organizations most able to buy these tools are the ones least in need of the savings.
What an operator should actually do
- Ask which step disappears and which step gets added. Every application with randomized outcome evidence removed or changed a step. If the pathway stays the same and only the information improves, expect the decision support result: better process, unchanged outcome. If the pathway gains a step, model the cost of that step before signing.
- Budget the cascade, not just the license. This is the item most often missed. A detection tool raises detection, and detection generates workup. The low back pain data put twelve-month downstream spending at roughly four and a half times the cost of the study that started it. Before deployment, ask what the tool’s detection rate implies for downstream imaging, procedures, and specialty referral volume, and put that number in the business case next to the subscription fee. If the vendor cannot help you build that estimate, that is itself informative.
- Require prospective local validation before deployment, and budget for it. The sepsis case is the entire argument. A model validated on someone else’s population, reported by the organization selling it, is not evidence about your population.
- Separate documentation-driven change from real change in patient complexity in your own trend. Payers are being told explicitly to do this. Providers should expect to be asked, and should know their own answer first.
- Price the regulatory clawback into the business case. Medicare has already repriced assumed efficiency once. A five-year model that assumes the practice keeps its productivity gain is a model that will be wrong.
- Treat explainability as a legal requirement rather than a nicety. The case law is already settled in one line of business and the reasoning is not confined to it.
Before committing to an AI investment, use our AI Evidence Reference to distinguish demonstrated patient outcomes from efficiency claims and quantify the downstream consequences that should be included in your business case.
The close
The question was whether artificial intelligence will lower the cost of care. On the current evidence the answer is no, and the reason is worth sitting with, because it is not a reason about the technology.
In several applications the technology works. It reads accurately. It writes faster. In three documented cases it has changed what happens to a patient for the better.
What has not been built is the mechanism by which a lower cost of producing care arrives at the organization paying for it. In most lines of business, the highest-return application available today is one that moves money rather than one that reduces the cost of delivering care. That is a statement about how American healthcare pays for things, not about what the models can do.
Two things are worth saying at the end, because few people in this conversation are saying them.
The first is that there is no peer-reviewed causal estimate, in any line of business, of artificial intelligence’s net effect on health spending. Every figure in circulation is either a potential-savings model whose own authors describe it as less rigorous than conventional economics, or a self-reported return survey. Operators are making capital decisions in that absence and should know it.
The second is narrower and more pointed. In the one clinical domain where the economics have been reviewed systematically, roughly one percent of the published studies measured cost at all. The question this article set out to answer has not been answered, in most places, because it has not been asked.
That is the real finding, and it is a correctable one. The organizations that start measuring cost, cascade, and outcome together will know something their competitors do not, and they will know it before the next procurement cycle rather than after it.
HLTHWORKS works with health plans, health systems, and medical groups on exactly this question: what a technology changes, what it costs downstream, and whether the savings reach the organization paying for them.
Sources
- Access. Wolf, Channa, Liu and colleagues, Nature Communications, 2024, autonomous artificial intelligence and diabetic eye examination completion in youth, the ACCESS randomized trial. Peterson Health Technology Institute, 2026 State of Digital Health Purchasing, September 2026. Government Accountability Office, artificial intelligence in health care. Federal evidence review on telehealth and specialty access. Rural Health Transformation Program authorizing provisions.
- Quality. Kwan and colleagues, BMJ, 2020, computerized clinical decision support, 122 randomized trials and 1,203,053 patients. Moja and colleagues, 2014, decision support and mortality. Nanji and colleagues, 2018, medication alert override rates and appropriateness. Wong and colleagues, JAMA Internal Medicine, 2021, external validation of a widely deployed sepsis prediction model. Rossetti, Dykes, Cato and colleagues, the CONCERN cluster randomized trial. Rotenstein and colleagues, JAMA, multisite evaluation of ambient documentation technology. Gage and colleagues, the GIFT trial, and Swen and colleagues, the PREPARE trial, genotype-guided dosing.
- Imaging. Molwitz and colleagues, Radiology: Artificial Intelligence, 2025, systematic review of economic evaluation in radiology artificial intelligence. Hernström and colleagues, Lancet, 2026, the MASAI randomized screening trial. Randomized evidence on computer-aided colonoscopy detection, 21 trials, and the 3,213-patient advanced neoplasia trial. Wu and colleagues, evaluation of United States Food and Drug Administration authorized artificial intelligence devices. Food and Drug Administration, Artificial Intelligence-Enabled Medical Device List, last modified September 2026. Pickhardt, Summers, Garrett and colleagues, Radiology, 2023, Scientific Expert Panel on opportunistic screening. Pickhardt, Correale and Hassan, Abdominal Radiology, 2023, cost-effectiveness model for artificial intelligence assisted opportunistic screening; funded by Nano-X Imaging and Bracco Diagnostics, with author advisory relationships disclosed to Nanox, Bracco and GE. Ganguli and colleagues, Journal of General Internal Medicine, 2023, cascades following low-value imaging for low back pain. Davenport, American Journal of Roentgenology, 2023, incidental findings and overdiagnosis. Evans and colleagues, Annals of Emergency Medicine, 2022, prevalence of incidental findings. Rendle and colleagues, Annals of Internal Medicine, 2024, real-world lung cancer screening outcomes across five health systems. United States Preventive Services Task Force evidence review, lung cancer screening. Sandhu and colleagues, Circulation, 2022, the NOTIFY-1 randomized trial. Zaki-Metias and colleagues, Journal of Digital Imaging, 2023, the FIND incidental findings navigation program. Khunte and colleagues, Journal of the American College of Radiology, 2024, return on investment modeling for hospital artificial intelligence; co-authored by representatives of the vendor whose platform it evaluates, and a model rather than a measurement. Zink, Boone, Joynt Maddox and colleagues, American Journal of Managed Care, 2024, Medicare utilization and spending for artificial intelligence enabled clinical software. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, pause of the Appropriate Use Criteria program, calendar year 2024 Physician Fee Schedule final rule.
- Cost. Health Care Cost Institute, 2023 Health Care Cost and Utilization Report, October 2026. PricewaterhouseCoopers, Medical Cost Trend: Behind the Numbers 2027, June 2026; a consultancy survey of 27 health plans. Business Group on Health, 2027 Employer Healthcare Strategy Survey, August 2026; an employer coalition survey of 127 employers. Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General, OEI-02-18-00380, February 2021, trends in hospital inpatient billing severity. Peterson Health Technology Institute, digital diabetes management assessment, March 2024, and 2026 State of Digital Health Purchasing, September 2026. Bain and Company with Bessemer Venture Partners, 2026 Healthcare AI ROI Scorecard, October 2026; a consultancy and venture capital survey reporting self-reported returns, with one publisher holding an investment interest in the category. Sahni, Stein, Zemmel and Cutler, National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper 30857; a working paper, not peer reviewed, whose authors state their estimates rest on consulting experience. Shrank, Rogstad and Parekh, JAMA, 2019, waste in the United States health care system. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, calendar year 2026 Physician Fee Schedule final rule, CMS-1832-F. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services Office of the Actuary, hospital multifactor productivity, June 2026. Bipartisan Policy Center, Paying for AI in U.S. Health Care, February 2026.
- Payment architecture. Medicare Payment Advisory Commission, March 2026 Report to the Congress, chapter 12. Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General, OEI-03-17-00470, December 2019, chart reviews, and OEI-03-23-00380, October 2024, health risk assessments. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, calendar year 2027 Medicare Advantage Rate Announcement, April 2026, and Medicare Advantage audit strategy, May 2025. KFF, 2026 Employer Health Benefits Survey, October 2026; marketplace enrollment, premiums and deductibles, 2026; Medicaid spending and enrollment following the 2025 reconciliation law, July 2026; and state approaches to Medicaid work requirements, 2026. Center for Democracy and Technology, 2020, algorithm-driven decision making in benefits determinations; K.W. v. Armstrong, Ninth Circuit, 2015; Arkansas Department of Human Services v. Ledgerwood, Arkansas Supreme Court, 2017.
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